frontier wars essay

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Cape Frontier Wars

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• South African History Online - Eastern Cape Wars of Dispossession 1779-1878
• Speirs Tours - Cape Frontier Wars in South Africa
• Cape Frontier Wars - Children's Encyclopedia (Ages 8-11)
• Cape Frontier Wars - Student Encyclopedia (Ages 11 and up)

Cape Frontier Wars , (1779–1879), 100 years of intermittent warfare between the Cape colonists and the Xhosa agricultural and pastoral peoples of the Eastern Cape , in South Africa . One of the most prolonged struggles by African peoples against European intrusion, it ended in the annexation of Xhosa territories by the Cape Colony and the incorporation of its peoples.

In the first three wars (1779, 1793, and 1799–1801), frontier Dutch colonists fought against members of several minor Xhosa chiefdoms that had moved westward from the main body of the Xhosa east of the Great Kei River into the area known as the Zuurveld, between the Great Fish and Boesmans rivers. These wars were caused by disagreements regarding the cattle trade that dominated the colonial economy, and they ended in a stalemate. For the colonists the third of these wars—in which the Xhosa were joined by an uprising of Khoisan servants, who deserted their white masters, taking guns and horses—was particularly serious. British troops, occupying the Cape during the Napoleonic Wars , appeared on the eastern frontier in 1811, in the fourth war, and drove the Xhosa from the Zuurveld.

Tensions east of the Great Fish River led to warfare on the frontier again in 1818–19, both between sections of the Xhosa and between the British and the Xhosa under Ndlambe and their prophet, Makana. After this war, the territory between the Great Fish and the Keiskamma was declared neutral (and later “ceded”), and the British government tried to clear it of its Xhosa inhabitants, but in vain. From this time, congestion on the land was increased by the influx of Mfengu refugees from the Mfecane in Natal, and the settlement of British colonists on the frontier in 1820 led to increased restlessness there.

In 1834–35 fighting erupted again, and for the first time the war was carried into the territory of the Gcaleka Xhosa, whose paramount chief, Hintsa, was shot while in British custody. After the failure of several treaties, war broke out again, in 1846, over a trivial incident, and in a bitter struggle the Xhosa were defeated once more. After this war the British government annexed the old neutral territory as the Crown Colony of British Kaffraria . After the deposition of the Xhosa paramount, Sandile, in 1851, this territory was reserved, apart from the British military outposts, for occupation by Africans. Resentments in British Kaffraria, however, resulted in the eighth and most costly of the wars. Once again the Xhosa resistance was immensely strengthened by the participation of Khoisan tribesmen, who rebelled at their settlement of Kat River. By 1853 the Xhosa had been defeated, and the territory to the north of British Kaffraria was annexed to the Cape Colony and opened to white settlement.

In 1857 the Xhosa were induced by a prophecy to slaughter their cattle in a mass sacrifice that was to be followed by a miraculous overthrow of the British. This disastrous act, itself the product of the undermining of Xhosa society by white penetration, caused widespread starvation and effectively ended Xhosa military resistance for two decades. In 1877–78 the Ngika and Gcaleka sections of the Xhosa, who had acquired guns on the diamond fields and were eager to regain lost lands, took up arms against the colonists and their allies, the Mfengu. After these wars the remaining Xhosa territories were gradually incorporated into the Cape Colony.

• Frontier wars

This article looks at the Frontier Wars that occurred during the invasion and colonisation of what we now call ‘Australia’. We will discuss acts of oppression and violence in some detail against our people and there will be images and videos depicting the conflict. Children should speak to a trusted adult before reading.

In 1788, sometime between the 16th and 20th of January, the 11 ships that encompassed the ‘first fleet’ arrived in Sydney’s Botany Bay. On board were just over 1000 people, majority of whom were convicts and their families. They planned to begin a penal colony (settlement used to exile prisoners) that would later become the ‘Australia’ we know today. Around a week later in ‘Sydney Cove’, on the 26th January, Captain Arthur Phillip raised the Union Jack and claimed the land for Britain. This marked the beginning of the invasion and colonisation of ‘Australia’ and the many years of fighting and resistance that would occur.

An overview

The Frontier Wars refer to all the massacres, wars and instances of resistances beginning from the arrival of colonists in 1788. Officially the Wars are said to have ended as late as 1934 however many acts of violence and oppression against our community continue today, as does our resilience.

The death toll resulting from the Frontier Wars is hard to know for certain, but it is estimated that around 2000 – 5000 colonists were killed over the years while the death toll is for Aboriginal people is unknown as it is so high. In ‘Queensland’ alone it is estimated that 60,000 Aboriginal people died (the Guardian). While the true death toll for Aboriginal people across the continent is impossible to know for certain due to most of the instances being covered up or not reported, it is estimated that around 90% of the Aboriginal population prior to invasion was killed during the wars. This is a result of both colonial violence and foreign illnesses the colonists brought with them such as the flu, measles, tuberculosis and smallpox.

Conflict on the Rufus. Image Source: State Library of Victoria .

Massacres and wars

The Frontier Wars and the massacres that occurred are very rarely talked about and historically we have relied on white sources, oral history and some written documentation to prove that they occurred. However, as research continues to be done more evidence is being discovered and old evidence is being documented to ensure the history is not lost. 

The University of Newcastle has created an interactive map that allows you to see and read about the many massacres that occurred after invasion which you can access here .

Below we have given brief descriptions on a few of the massacres within the Frontier Wars. Please be aware that there are acts of violence against our people being discussed and that reader discretion is advised.

For more information about invasion and warfare in Victoria, read this article .

The Black War (The Tasmanian War)

The Black War is one of the biggest acts of violence that occurred in the Frontier Wars.

The Black War occurred in ‘Tasmania,’ beginning in 1824 and ending 7 years later in 1831. At least 1000 Aboriginal people were killed according to official records however the actual number is most likely much higher. 

Martial Law was declared by Lieutenant-Governor George Arthur. This essentially gave settlers who killed Aboriginal people immunity from any sort of legal consequence. Towards the end of the war, in late 1830 the Black Line occurred. Over 2000 colonists formed a series of offensive lines that stretched across the land and drove the Clans away from their homes and away from land the colonists had taken or wanted to take. The aim was to either kill or move Aboriginal Tasmanian people to the Tasman Peninsula in the southeast where the colonists planned to have them remain permanently imprisoned. Many died in this line as they were shot on sight if they didn’t immediately escape. 

The Black War resulted in the near-destruction of all Aboriginal people living in ‘Tasmania’ due to frequent mass killings. Many of our Mob view the Black War as an act of genocide (intentional action to destroy a an ethnic, national, racial, or religious group of people). Despite this dark history, Aboriginal people have survived in Tasmania and are a strong Community today.  

Image: A community in Tasmania celebrate with a Corroboree. Mitchell Library, State Library of New South Wales .

Pinjarra Massacre (The Battle of Pinjarra)

The Pinjarra Massacre occurred in 1834 in ‘Western Australia’ and was the result of an attack by colonists on a group of an estimated 80 Binjareb (also spelled Pindjarup, Pinjareb) men, women and children in retaliation to an earlier fight that left a colonist dead.

This attack was led by Governor James Stirling and a detachment of 25 colonists and they conducted the mass killing of somewhere between 15 – 30 Bindjareb people, including children.

Kilcoy and Whiteside poisonings

In 1842 in Kilcoy and in 1847 in Whiteside (both in Queensland), colonists ‘gifted’ bags of flour to the local Clans. This flour was purposefully laced with strychnine, a strong poison.

The poisonings claimed the lives of around 70 Aboriginal people in the Kilcoy district and another estimated 70 in Whiteside. 

Coniston Massacre 

The Coniston Massacre occurred in the Northern Territory in 1928 and is credited as one of the last mass killings by colonists during the Frontier Wars. It is said to have been the result of the death of a colonist, Fred Brooks. Two Warlpiri men were arrested and tried but were later acquitted for the death after eyewitness accounts pointed to another man as the true killer. 

The man said to have killed Fred Brookes was Kamalyarrpa Japanangka. He did so after Brooks breached Warlpiri marriage lore by putting demands on Kamalyarrpa Japanangka’s wives and possibly assaulting one. A revenge party was formed, led by Mounted Constable George Murray, and over several months they shot and killed over 60 Anmatyerre, Kaytetye and Warlpiri people, includin children.

You can read more about the Coniston Massacre in this Common Ground article.

Coniston memorial plaque. Image Source: The New Daily .

Despite the massacres, the wars and the genocide, we have survived. This is because we fought back and resisted with all we had. 

There are many instances of resistance throughout ‘Australia’s’ post-invasion history and when we think of resistance fighters there are many names that come to mind. Pemulwuy was a Bidjigal man who fought against the colonists violence and theft by burning crops and raiding food stores. Jandamarra was a Bunuba man who went from police assistant to resistance fighter, leading his people against the forces invading their land. The Fighting Gunditjmara were known for fighting back and resisting the violence and invasion of their home lands.

No matter what Mob you come from you are a child of leaders, of people who fought back and resisted the violent invasion of their land and you are proof that they were successful in saving their people and their culture.

You can read more about Aboriginal resistance in our Standing Strong article.

Legacy 

The Frontier Wars are still not acknowledged as official wars of our history and many of the atrocities that occurred continue to be ignored. Unfortunately, violence against our people continues today with little justice for our Mob.

Despite the many injustices we face and the pain that is inflicted on us we are still fighting, and we are still resisting. We have not given up our fight to exist in this country and we should all be proud of who we are and where we come from because of that.

Sources & Further Reading

• What are the Frontier Wars?, NITV
• Common Ground
• Colonial Frontier Massacres in Australia, 1788-1930, University of Newcastle
• The Killing Times, The Guardian
• 'Incarceration Nation' - Documentary - SBS On Demand.

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people should be aware that this website may contain images, voices or names of deceased persons in photographs, film, audio recordings or printed material. To listen to our Acknowledgement of Country, click here .  

The South African Military History Society Die Suid-Afrikaanse Krygshistoriese Vereniging

Military history journal vol 9 no 4 - december 1993, a forgotten battle of the frontier wars by d y saks, africana museum.

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Cape Frontier Wars

The wars began after Xhosa groups moved west from their homelands. They entered an area called the Zuurveld, west of the Great Fish River. By the 1770s Dutch farmers, called Boers , had moved into the same region. In 1778 the governor of the Dutch colony decided that the Great Fish River should be the border between the two groups. Still, the Boers and the Xhosa often crossed the river. The Boers soon began to accuse the Xhosa of stealing cattle.

In 1779 the first war broke out. Armed Boer farmers tried to drive the Xhosa out of the Zuurveld. They did not succeed. Two more wars followed, in 1793 and 1799–1801. In the third war, many Khoekhoe who had worked for the Boers joined the Xhosa. But all three wars ended without a clear winner.

In the early 1800s the British took over the Cape Colony. They tried to make peace on the eastern border. However, a fourth frontier war began in 1811. British troops forced many of the Xhosa back across the border.

Between 1818 and 1878 the British fought five more frontier wars against the Xhosa. The British built forts along the border and sent many soldiers there. The Xhosa were often defeated in battle. Nevertheless, they continued to rise up against the British.

The Xhosa leader Sarili (also called Kreli) surrendered to the British in 1878. This marked the end of the ninth frontier war. By the end of the 1800s, all the Xhosa lands had become part of the Cape Colony.

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Articles on Frontier Wars

Displaying 1 - 20 of 22 articles.

Thieves, needlewomen, Aboriginal warriors and a ten-year -old boy: the free people transported as convicts to Van Diemen’s Land

Kristyn Harman , University of Tasmania and Victoria Nagy , University of Tasmania

Friday essay: neither a monster nor a saint … Sir Samuel Griffith, Queensland’s violent frontier and the rigours of  truth-telling

Raymond Evans , Griffith University

Why First Nations ‘ununiformed warriors’ qualify for the Australian War Memorial

Ray Kerkhove , University of Southern Queensland and Boe Skuthorpe-Spearim , Indigenous Knowledge

Eliza Batman, the Irish convict reinvented as ‘Melbourne’s founding mother’, was both colonised and coloniser on two violent frontiers

Penny Edmonds , Flinders University and Michelle Berry , Flinders University

The Australian War Memorial must deal properly with the frontier wars

Carolyn Holbrook , Deakin University ; Frank Bongiorno , Australian National University , and Michelle Arrow , Macquarie University

Recognising the warriors: Henry Reynolds on the war memorial’s surprising change of direction

Henry Reynolds , University of Tasmania

Albanese is promising ‘ truth-telling ’ in our Australian education system. Here’s what needs to happen

Tracy Woodroffe , Charles Darwin University

In The Australian Wars, Rachel Perkins dispenses with the myth Aboriginal people didn’t fight back

Heidi Norman , University of Technology Sydney and Anne Maree Payne , University of Technology Sydney

Friday essay: ‘but we already had a treaty’ – Tom Griffiths on a little known 1889 peace accord

Tom Griffiths , Australian National University

Friday essay: it’s time for a new museum dedicated to the fighters of the frontier wars

Enforcing assimilation, dismantling Aboriginal families: a history of police violence in Australia

Thalia Anthony , University of Technology Sydney and Harry Blagg , The University of Western Australia

The arrival of British settlers 200 years ago continues to cast a shadow over South Africa

Jacklyn Cock , University of the Witwatersrand and Julia Wells , Rhodes University

Julie Gough’s ‘Tense Past’ reminds us how the brutalities of colonial settlement are still felt today

Julie Shiels , RMIT University

Peta Clancy brings a hidden Victorian massacre to the surface with Undercurrent

Anita Pisch , Australian National University

A Tasmanian Requiem is a musical reckoning, and a pathway to reconciliation

Kristyn Harman , University of Tasmania and Carolyn Philpott , University of Tasmania

Noble horses and ‘black monsters’: the politics of colonial compassion

Jane Lydon , The University of Western Australia

Did Indigenous warriors influence the development of Australian rules football?

Robert Pascoe , Victoria University and Gerardo Papalia , La Trobe University

Black Velvet: redefining and celebrating Indigenous Australian women in art

Sandra Phillips , Queensland University of Technology

Kidman’s sale marks second wave of South Australian colonisation

Paul Reader , University of New England

Gargoyles and silence: ‘our story’ at the Australian War Memorial

Lisa Barritt-Eyles , University of Newcastle

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• Indigenous history
• Tasmanian history

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The Significance of the Frontier in American History

/ AHA Resource Library

/ The Significance of the Frontier in American History

Published Date

January 1, 1893

Resource Type

AHA Archival Document, Archival Resource, Primary Source

Indigenous, Political

United States

The material on this page is provided for use as a primary source through which to understand the period and the historical context in which it was produced. Historians recognize the importance of maintaining documents that might no longer align with the ideas and values of an individual or organization reproducing those documents.

This historical document is from the archives of the American Historical Association. It is provided for you to interpret as a primary source and might no longer reflect the editorial decisions or views of the organization.

By Frederick J. Turner, 1893

Editor’s Note: Please note, this is a short version of the essay subsequently published in Turner’s essay collection,  The Frontier in American History  (1920). This text is closer to the original version delivered at the 1893 meeting of the American Historical Association in Chicago, published in  Annual Report of the American Historical Association , 1893, pp. 197–227.

In a recent bulletin of the Superintendent of the Census for 1890 appear these significant words: “Up to and including 1880 the country had a frontier of settlement, but at present the unsettled area has been so broken into by isolated bodies of settlement that there can hardly be said to be a frontier line. In the discussion of its extent, its westward movement, etc., it can not, therefore, any longer have a place in the census reports.” This brief official statement marks the closing of a great historic movement. Up to our own day American history has been in a large degree the history of the colonization of the Great West. The existence of an area of free land, its continuous recession, and the advance of American settlement westward, explain American development.

Behind institutions, behind constitutional forms and modifications, lie the vital forces that call these organs into life and shape them to meet changing conditions. The peculiarity of American institutions is, the fact that they have been compelled to adapt themselves to the changes of an expanding people—to the changes involved in crossing a continent, in winning a wilderness, and in developing at each area of this progress out of the primitive economic and political conditions of the frontier into the complexity of city life. Said Calhoun in 1817, “We are great, and rapidly—I was about to say fearfully—growing!” 1 So saying, he touched the distinguishing feature of American life. All peoples show development; the germ theory of politics has been sufficiently emphasized. In the case of most nations, however, the development has occurred in a limited area; and if the nation has expanded, it has met other growing peoples whom it has conquered. But in the case of the United States we have a different phenomenon. Limiting our attention to the Atlantic coast, we have the familiar phenomenon of the evolution of institutions in a limited area, such as the rise of representative government; the differentiation of simple colonial governments into complex organs; the progress from primitive industrial society, without division of labor, up to manufacturing civilization. But we have in addition to this a recurrence of the process of evolution in each western area reached in the process of expansion. Thus American development has exhibited not merely advance along a single line, but a return to primitive conditions on a continually advancing frontier line, and a new development for that area. American social development has been continually beginning over again on the frontier. This perennial rebirth, this fluidity of American life, this expansion westward with its new opportunities, its continuous touch with the simplicity of primitive society, furnish the forces dominating American character. The true point of view in the history of this nation is not the Atlantic coast, it is the great West. Even the slavery struggle, which is made so exclusive an object of attention by writers like Prof. von Holst, occupies its important place in American history because of its relation to westward expansion.

In this advance, the frontier is the outer edge of the wave—the meeting point between savagery and civilization. Much has been written about the frontier from the point of view of border warfare and the chase, but as a field for the serious study of the economist and the historian it has been neglected.

The American frontier is sharply distinguished from the European frontier—a fortified boundary line running through dense populations. The most significant thing about the American frontier is, that it lies at the hither edge of free land. In the census reports it is treated as the margin of that settlement which has a density of two or more to the square mile. The term is an elastic one, and for our purposes does not need sharp definition. We shall consider the whole frontier belt, including the Indian country and the outer margin of the “settled area” of the census reports. This paper will make no attempt to treat the subject exhaustively; its aim is simply to call attention to the frontier as a fertile field for investigation, and to suggest some of the problems which arise in connection with it.

In the settlement of America we have to observe how European life entered the continent, and how America modified and developed that life and reacted on Europe. Our early history is the study of European germs developing in an American environment. Too exclusive attention has been paid by institutional students to the Germanic origins, too little to the American factors. The frontier is the line of most rapid and effective Americanization. The wilderness masters the colonist. It finds him a European in dress, industries, tools, modes of travel, and thought. It takes him from the railroad car and puts him in the birch canoe. It strips off the garments of civilization and arrays him in the hunting shirt and the moccasin. It puts him in the log cabin of the Cherokee and Iroquois and runs an Indian palisade around him. Before long he has gone to planting Indian corn and plowing with a sharp stick; he shouts the war cry and takes the scalp in orthodox Indian fashion. In short, at the frontier the environment is at first too strong for the man. He must accept the conditions which it furnishes, or perish, and so he fits himself into the Indian clearings and follows the Indian trails. Little by little he transforms the wilderness; but the outcome is not the old Europe, not simply the development of Germanic germs, any more than the first phenomenon was a case of reversion to the Germanic mark. The fact is, that here is a new product that is American. At first, the frontier was the Atlantic coast. It was the frontier of Europe in a very real sense. Moving westward, the frontier became more and more American. As successive terminal moraines result from successive glaciations, so each frontier leaves its traces behind it, and when it becomes a settled area the region still partakes of the frontier characteristics. Thus the advance of the frontier has meant a steady movement away from the influence of Europe, a steady growth of independence on American lines. And to study this advance, the men who grew up under these conditions, and the political, economic, and social results of it, is to study the really American part of our history.

Stages of Frontier Advance

In the course of the seventeenth century the frontier was advanced up the Atlantic river courses, just beyond the “fall line,” and the tidewater region became the settled area. In the first half of the eighteenth century another advance occurred. Traders followed the Delaware and Shawnese Indians to the Ohio as early as the end of the first quarter of the century. 2 Gov. Spotswood, of Virginia, made an expedition in 1714 across the Blue Ridge. The end of the first quarter of the century saw the advance of the Scotch-Irish and the Palatine Germans up the Shenandoah Valley into the western part of Virginia, and along the Piedmont region of the Carolinas. 3 The Germans in New York pushed the frontier of settlement up the Mohawk to German Flats. 4 In Pennsylvania the town of Bedford indicates the line of settlement. Settlements had begun on New River, a branch of the Kanawha, and on the sources of the Yadkin and French Broad. 5 The King attempted to arrest the advance by his proclamation of 1763, 6 forbidding settlements beyond the sources of the rivers flowing into the Atlantic; but in vain. In the period of the Revolution the frontier crossed the Alleghanies into Kentucky and Tennessee, and the upper waters of the Ohio were settled. 7 When the first census was taken in 1790, the continuous settled area was bounded by a line which ran near the coast of Maine, and included New England except a portion of Vermont and New Hampshire, New York along the Hudson and up the Mohawk about Schenectady, eastern and southern Pennsylvania, Virginia well across the Shenandoah Valley, and the Carolinas and eastern Georgia. 8 Beyond this region of continuous settlement were the small settled areas of Kentucky and Tennessee, and the Ohio, with the mountains intervening between them and the Atlantic area, thus giving a new and important character to the frontier. The isolation of the region increased its peculiarly American tendencies, and the need of transportation facilities to connect it with the East called out important schemes of internal improvement, which will be noted farther on. The “West,” as a self-conscious section, began to evolve.

From decade to decade distinct advances of the frontier occurred. By the census of 1820, 9 the settled area included Ohio, southern Indiana and Illinois, southeastern Missouri, and about one-half of Louisiana. This settled area had surrounded Indian areas, and the management of these tribes became an object of political concern. The frontier region of the time lay along the Great Lakes, where Astor’s American Fur Company operated in the Indian trade, 10 and beyond the Mississippi, where Indian traders extended their activity even to the Rocky Mountains; Florida also furnished frontier conditions. The Mississippi River region was the scene of typical frontier settlements. 11

The rising steam navigation 12 on western waters, the opening of the Erie Canal, and the westward extension of cotton 13 culture added five frontier states to the Union in this period. Grund, writing in 1836, declares: “It appears then that the universal disposition of Americans to emigrate to the western wilderness, in order to enlarge their dominion over inanimate nature, is the actual result of an expansive power which is inherent in them, and which by continually agitating all classes of society is constantly throwing a large portion of the whole population on the extreme confines of the State, in order to gain space for its development. Hardly is a new State or Territory formed before the same principle manifests itself again and gives rise to a further emigration; and so is it destined to go on until a physical barrier must finally obstruct its progress.” 14

In the middle of this century the line indicated by the present eastern boundary of Indian Territory, Nebraska, and Kansas marked the frontier of the Indian country. 15 Minnesota and Wisconsin still exhibited frontier conditions, 16 but the distinctive frontier of the period is found in California, where the gold discoveries had sent a sudden tide of adventurous miners, and in Oregon, and the settlements in Utah. 17 As the frontier has leaped over the Alleghanies, so now it skipped the Great Plains and the Rocky Mountains; and in the same way that the advance of the frontiersmen beyond the Alleghanies had caused the rise of important questions of transportation and internal improvement, so now the settlers beyond the Rocky Mountains needed means of communication with the East, and in the furnishing of these arose the settlement of the Great Plains and the development of still another kind of frontier life. Railroads, fostered by land grants, sent an increasing tide of immigrants into the far West. The United States Army fought a series of Indian wars in Minnesota, Dakota, and the Indian Territory.

By 1880 the settled area had been pushed into northern Michigan, Wisconsin, and Minnesota, along Dakota rivers, and in the Black Hills region, and was ascending the rivers of Kansas and Nebraska. The development of mines in Colorado had drawn isolated frontier settlements into that region, and Montana and Idaho were receiving settlers. The frontier was found in these mining camps and the ranches of the Great Plains. The superintendent of the census for 1890 reports, as previously stated, that the settlements of the West lie so scattered over the region that there can no longer be said to be a frontier line.

In these successive frontiers we find natural boundary lines which have served to mark and to affect the characteristics of the frontiers, namely: The “fall line;” the Alleghany Mountains; the Mississippi; the Missouri, where its direction approximates north and south; the line of the arid lands, approximately the ninety-ninth meridian; and the Rocky Mountains. The fall line marked the frontier of the seventeenth century; the Alleghanies that of the eighteenth; the Mississippi that of the first quarter of the nineteenth; the Missouri that of the middle of this century (omitting the California movement); and the belt of the Rocky Mountains and the arid tract, the present frontier. Each was won by a series of Indian wars.

The Frontier Furnishes a Field for Comparative Study of Social Development

At the Atlantic frontier one can study the germs of processes repeated at each successive frontier. We have the complex European life sharply precipitated by the wilderness into the simplicity of primitive conditions. The first frontier had to meet its Indian question, its question of the disposition of the public domain, of the means of intercourse with older settlements, of the extension of political organization, of religious and educational activity. And the settlement of these and similar questions for one frontier served as a guide for the next. The American student needs not to go to the “prim little townships of Sleswick” for illustrations of the law of continuity and development. For example, he may study the origin of our land policies in the colonial land policy; he may see how the system grew by adapting the statutes to the customs of the successive frontiers. 18 He may see how the mining experience in the lead regions of Wisconsin, Illinois, and Iowa was applied to the mining laws of the Rockies, 19 and how our Indian policy has been a series of experimentations on successive frontiers. Each tier of new States has found in the older ones material for its constitutions. 20 Each frontier has made similar contributions to American character, as will be discussed farther on.

But with all these similarities there are essential differences, due to the place element and the time element. It is evident that the farming frontier of the Mississippi Valley presents different conditions from the mining frontier of the Rocky Mountains. The frontier reached by the Pacific Railroad, surveyed into rectangles, guarded by the United States Army, and recruited by the daily immigrant ship, moves forward at a swifter pace and in a different way than the frontier reached by the birch canoe or the pack horse. The geologist traces patiently the shores of ancient seas, maps their areas, and compares the older and the newer. It would be a work worth the historian’s labors to mark these various frontiers and in detail compare one with another. Not only would there result a more adequate conception of American development and characteristics, but invaluable additions would be made to the history of society.

Loria, 21 the Italian economist, has urged the study of colonial life as an aid in understanding the stages of European development, affirming that colonial settlement is for economic science what the mountain is for geology, bringing to light primitive stratifications. “America,” he says, “has the key to the historical enigma which Europe has sought for centuries in vain, and the land which has no history reveals luminously the course of universal history.” There is much truth in this. The United States lies like a huge page in the history of society. Line by line as we read this continental page from west to east we find the record of social evolution. It begins with the Indian and the hunter; it goes on to tell of the disintegration of savagery by the entrance of the trader, the pathfinder of civilization; we read the annals of the pastoral stage in ranch life; the exploitation of the soil by the raising of unrotated crops of corn and wheat in sparsely settled farming communities; the intensive culture of the denser farm settlement; and finally the manufacturing organization with city and factory system. 22 This page is familiar to the student of census statistics, but how little of it has been used by our historians. Particularly in eastern States this page is a palimpsest. What is now a manufacturing State was in an earlier decade an area of intensive farming. Earlier yet it had been a wheat area, and still earlier the “range” had attracted the cattle-herder. Thus Wisconsin, now developing manufacture, is a State with varied agricultural interests. But earlier it was given over to almost exclusive grain-raising, like North Dakota at the present time.

Each of these areas has had an influence in our economic and political history; the evolution of each into a higher stage has worked political transformations. But what constitutional historian has made any adequate attempt to interpret political facts by the light of these social areas and changes? 23

The Atlantic frontier was compounded of fisherman, far trader, miner, cattle-raiser, and farmer. Excepting the fisherman, each type of industry was on the march toward the West, impelled by an irresistible attraction. Each passed in successive waves across the continent. Stand at Cumberland Gap and watch the procession of civilization, marching single file—the buffalo following the trail to the salt springs, the Indian, the fur-trader and hunter, the cattle-raiser, the pioneer farmer—and the frontier has passed by. Stand at South Pass in the Rockies a century later and see the same procession with wider intervals between. The unequal rate of advance compels us to distinguish the frontier into the trader’s frontier, the rancher’s frontier, or the miner’s frontier, and the farmer’s frontier. When the mines and the cow pens were still near the fall line the traders’ pack trains were tinkling across the Alleghanies, and the French on the Great Lakes were fortifying their posts, alarmed by the British trader’s birch canoe. When the trappers scaled the Rockies, the farmer was still near the mouth of the Missouri.

The Indian Trader’s Frontier

Why was it that the Indian trader passed so rapidly across the continent? What effects followed from the trader’s frontier? The trade was coeval with American discovery, The Norsemen, Vespuccius, Verrazani, Hudson, John Smith, all trafficked for furs. The Plymouth pilgrims settled in Indian cornfields, and their first return cargo was of beaver and lumber. The records of the various New England colonies show how steadily exploration was carried into the wilderness by this trade. What is true for New England is, as would be expected, even plainer for the rest of the colonies. All along the coast from Maine to Georgia the Indian trade opened up the river courses. Steadily the trader passed westward, utilizing the older lines of French trade. The Ohio, the Great Lakes, the Mississippi, the Missouri, and the Platte, the lines of western advance, were ascended by traders. They found the passes in the Rocky Mountains and guided Lewis and Clarke, 24 Fremont, and Bidwell. The explanation of the rapidity of this advance is connected with the effects of the trader on the Indian. The trading post left the unarmed tribes at the mercy of those that had purchased fire-arms—a truth which the Iroquois Indians wrote in blood, and so the remote and unvisited tribes gave eager welcome to the trader. “The savages,” wrote La Salle, “take better care of us French than of their own children; from us only can they get guns and goods.” This accounts for the trader’s power and the rapidity of his advance. Thus the disintegrating forces of civilization entered the wilderness. Every river valley and Indian trail became a fissure in Indian society, and so that society became honeycombed. Long before the pioneer farmer appeared on the scene, primitive Indian life had passed away. The farmers met Indians armed with guns. The trading frontier, while steadily undermining Indian power by making the tribes ultimately dependent on the whites, yet, through its sale of guns, gave to the Indians increased power of resistance to the farming frontier. French colonization was dominated by its trading frontier; English colonization by its farming frontier. There was an antagonism between the two frontiers as between the two nations. Said Duquesne to the Iroquois, “Are you ignorant of the difference between the king of England and the king of France? Go see the forts that our king has established and you will see that you can still hunt under their very walls. They have been placed for your advantage in places which you frequent. The English, on the contrary, are no sooner in possession of a place than the game is driven away. The forest falls before them as they advance, and the soil is laid bare so that you can scarce find the wherewithal to erect a shelter for the night.”

And yet, in spite of this opposition of the interests of the trader and the farmer, the Indian trade pioneered the way for civilization. The buffalo trail became the Indian trail, and this because the trader’s “trace;” the trails widened into roads, and the roads into turnpikes, and these in turn were transformed into railroads. The same origin can be shown for the railroads of the South, the far West, and the Dominion of Canada. 25 The trading posts reached by these trails were on the sites of Indian villages which had been placed in positions suggested by nature; and these trading posts, situated so as to command the water systems of the country, have grown into such cities as Albany, Pittsburg, Detroit, Chicago, St. Louis, Council Bluffs, and Kansas City. Thus civilization in America has followed the arteries made by geology, pouring an ever richer tide through them, until at last the slender paths of aboriginal intercourse have been broadened and interwoven into the complex mazes of modern commercial lines; the wilderness has been interpenetrated by lines of civilization growing ever more numerous. It is like the steady growth of a complex nervous system for the originally simple, inert continent. If one would understand why we are to-day one nation, rather than a collection of isolated states, he must study this economic and social consolidation of the country. In this progress from savage conditions lie topics for the evolutionist. 26

The effect of the Indian frontier as a consolidating agent in our history is important. From the close of the seventeenth century various intercolonial congresses have been called to treat with Indians and establish common measures of defense. Particularism was strongest in colonies with no Indian frontier. This frontier stretched along the western border like a cord of union. The Indian was a common danger, demanding united action. Most celebrated of these conferences was the Albany congress of 1754, called to treat with the Six Nations, and to consider plans of union. Even a cursory reading of the plan proposed by the congress reveals the importance of the frontier. The powers of the general council and the officers were, chiefly, the determination of peace and war with the Indians, the regulation of Indian trade, the purchase of Indian lands, and the creation and government of new settlements as a security against the Indians. It is evident that the unifying tendencies of the Revolutionary period were facilitated by the previous cooperation in the regulation of the frontier. In this connection may be mentioned the importance of the frontier, from that day to this, as a military training school, keeping alive the power of resistance to aggression, and developing the stalwart and rugged qualities of the frontiersman.

The Rancher’s Frontier

It would not be possible in the limits of this paper to trace the other frontiers across the continent. Travelers of the eighteenth century found the “cowpens” among the canebrakes and peavine pastures of the South, and the “cow drivers” took their droves to Charleston, Philadelphia, and New York. 27 Travelers at the close of the War of 1812 met droves of more than a thousand cattle and swine from the interior of Ohio going to Pennsylvania to fatten for the Philadelphia market. 28 The ranges of the Great Plains, with ranch and cowboy and nomadic life, are things of yesterday and of to-day. The experience of the Carolina cowpens guided the ranchers of Texas. One element favoring the rapid extension of the rancher’s frontier is the fact that in a remote country lacking transportation facilities the product must be in small bulk, or must be able to transport itself, and the cattle raiser could easily drive his product to market. The effect of these great ranches on the subsequent agrarian history of the localities in which they existed should be studied.

The Farmer’s Frontier

The maps of the census reports show an uneven advance of the farmer’s frontier, with tongues of settlement pushed forward and with indentations of wilderness. In part this is due to Indian resistance, in part to the location of river valleys and passes, in part to the unequal force of the centers of frontier attraction. Among the important centers of attraction may be mentioned the following: fertile and favorably situated soils, salt springs, mines, and army posts.

The frontier army post, serving to protect the settlers from the Indians, has also acted as a wedge to open the Indian country, and has been a nucleus for settlement. 29 In this connection mention should also be made of the Government military and exploring expeditions in determining the lines of settlement. But all the more important expeditions were greatly indebted to the earliest pathmakers, the Indian guides, the traders and trappers, and the French voyageurs, who were inevitable parts of governmental expeditions from the days of Lewis and Clarke. 30 Each expedition was an epitome of the previous factors in western advance.

Salt Springs

In an interesting monograph, Victor Hehn 31 has traced the effect of salt upon early European development, and has pointed out how it affected the lines of settlement and the form of administration. A similar study might be made for the salt springs of the United States. The early settlers were tied to the coast by the need of salt, without which they could not preserve their meats or live in comfort. Writing in 1752, Bishop Spangenburg says of a colony for which he was seeking lands in North Carolina, “They will require salt & other necessaries which they can neither manufacture nor raise. Either they must go to Charleston, which is 300 miles distant * * * Or else they must go to Boling’s Point in Va on a branch of the James & is also 300 miles from here * * * Or else they must go down the Roanoke—I know not how many miles—where salt is brought up from the Cape Fear.” 32 This may serve as a typical illustration. An annual pilgrimage to the coast for salt thus became essential. Taking flocks or furs and ginseng root, the early settlers sent their pack trains after seeding time each year to the coast. 33 This proved to be an important educational influence, since it was almost the only way in which the pioneer learned what was going on in the East. But when discovery was made of the salt springs of the Kanawha, and the Holston, and Kentucky, and central New York, the West began to be freed from dependence on the coast. It was in part the effect of finding these salt springs that enabled settlement to cross the mountains.

From the time the mountains rose between the pioneer and the seaboard, a new order of Americanism arose. The West and the East began to get out of touch of each other. The settlements from the sea to the mountains kept connection with the rear and had a certain solidarity. But the overmountain men grew more and more independent. The East took a narrow view of American advance, and nearly lost these men. Kentucky and Tennessee history bears abundant witness to the truth of this statement. The East began to try to hedge and limit westward expansion. Though Webster could declare that there were no Alleghanies in his politics, yet in politics in general they were a very solid factor.

The exploitation of the beasts took hunter and trader to the west, the exploitation of the grasses took the rancher west, and the exploitation of the virgin soil of the river valleys and prairies attracted the farmer. Good soils have been the most continuous attraction to the farmer’s frontier. The land hunger of the Virginians drew them down the rivers into Carolina, in early colonial days; the search for soils took the Massachusetts men to Pennsylvania and to New York. As the eastern lands were taken up migration flowed across them to the west. Daniel Boone, the great backwoodsman, who combined the occupations of hunter, trader, cattle-raiser, farmer, and surveyor—learning, probably from the traders, of the fertility of the lands on the upper Yadkin, where the traders were wont to rest as they took their way to the Indians, left his Pennsylvania home with his father, and passed down the Great Valley road to that stream. Learning from a trader whose posts were on the Red River in Kentucky of its game and rich pastures, he pioneered the way for the farmers to that region. Thence he passed to the frontier of Missouri, where his settlement was long a landmark on the frontier. Here again he helped to open the way for civilization, finding salt licks, and trails, and land. His son was among the earliest trappers in the passes of the Rocky Mountains, and his party are said to have been the first to camp on the present site of Denver. His grandson, Col. A. J. Boone, of Colorado, was a power among the Indians of the Rocky Mountains, and was appointed an agent by the Government. Kit Carson’s mother was a Boone. 34 Thus this family epitomizes the backwoodsman’s advance across the continent.

The farmer’s advance came in a distinct series of waves. In Peck’s New Guide to the West , published in Boston in 1837, occurs this suggestive passage:

Generally, in all the western settlements, three classes, like the waves of the ocean, have rolled one after the other. First comes the pioneer, who depends for the subsistence of his family chiefly upon the natural growth of vegetation, called the “range,” and the proceeds of hunting. His implements of agriculture are rude, chiefly of his own make, and his efforts directed mainly to a crop of corn and a “truck patch.” The last is a rude garden for growing cabbage, beans, corn for roasting ears, cucumbers, and potatoes. A log cabin, and, occasionally, a stable and corn-crib, and a field of a dozen acres, the timber girdled or “deadened,” and fenced, are enough for his occupancy. It is quite immaterial whether he ever becomes the owner of the soil. He is the occupant for the time being, pays no rent, and feels as independent as the “lord of the manor.” With a horse, cow, and one or two breeders of swine, he strikes into the woods with his family, and becomes the founder of a new county, or perhaps state. He builds his cabin, gathers around him a few other families of similar tastes and habits, and occupies till the range is somewhat subdued, and hunting a little precarious, or, which is more frequently the case, till the neighbors crowd around, roads, bridges, and fields annoy him, and he lacks elbow room. The preemption law enables him to dispose of his cabin and cornfield to the next class of emigrants; and, to employ his own figures, he “breaks for the high timber,” “clears out for the New Purchase,” or migrates to Arkansas or Texas, to work the same process over.

The next class of emigrants purchase the lands, add field to field, clear out the roads, throw rough bridges over the streams, put up hewn log houses with glass windows and brick or stone chimneys, occasionally plant orchards, build mills, schoolhouses, court-houses, etc., and exhibit the picture and forms of plain, frugal, civilized life.

Another wave rolls on. The men of capital and enterprise come. The settler is ready to sell out and take the advantage of the rise in property, push farther into the interior and become, himself, a man of capital and enterprise in turn. The small village rises to a spacious town or city; substantial edifices of brick, extensive fields, orchards, gardens, colleges, and churches are seen. Broadcloths, silks, leghorns, crapes, and all the refinements, luxuries, elegancies, frivolities, and fashions are in vogue. Thus wave after wave is rolling westward; the real Eldorado is still farther on.

A portion of the two first classes remain stationary amidst the general movement, improve their habits and condition, and rise in the scale of society.

The writer has traveled much amongst the first class, the real pioneers. He has lived many years in connection with the second grade; and now the third wave is sweeping over large districts of Indiana, Illinois, and Missouri. Migration has become almost a habit in the west. Hundreds of men can be found, not over 50 years of age, who have settled for the fourth, fifth, or sixth time on a new spot. To sell out and remove only a few hundred miles makes up a portion of the variety of backwoods life and manners. 35

Omitting those of the pioneer farmers who move from the love of adventure, the advance of the more steady farmer is easy to understand. Obviously the immigrant was attracted by the cheap lands of the frontier, and even the native farmer felt their influence strongly. Year by year the farmers who lived on soil whose returns were diminished by unrotated crops were offered the virgin soil of the frontier at nominal prices. Their growing families demanded more lands, and these were dear. The competition of the unexhausted, cheap, and easily tilled prairie lands compelled the farmer either to go west and continue the exhaustion of the soil on a new frontier, or to adopt intensive culture. Thus the census of 1890 shows, in the Northwest, many counties in which there is an absolute or a relative decrease of population. These States have been sending farmers to advance the frontier on the plains, and have themselves begun to turn to intensive farming and to manufacture. A decade before this, Ohio had shown the same transition stage. Thus the demand for land and the love of wilderness freedom drew the frontier ever onward.

Having now roughly outlined the various kinds of frontiers, and their modes of advance, chiefly from the point of view of the frontier itself, we may next inquire what were the influences on the East and on the Old World. A rapid enumeration of some of the more noteworthy effects is all that I have time for.

Composite Nationality

First, we note that the frontier promoted the formation of a composite nationality for the American people. The coast was preponderantly English, but the later tides of continental immigration flowed across to the free lands. This was the case from the early colonial days. The Scotch Irish and the Palatine Germans, or “Pennsylvania Dutch,” furnished the dominant element in the stock of the colonial frontier. With these peoples were also the freed indented servants, or redemptioners, who at the expiration of their time of service passed to the frontier. Governor Spottswood of Virginia writes in 1717, “The inhabitants of our frontiers are composed generally of such as have been transported hither as servants, and, being out of their time, settle themselves where laud is to be taken up and that will produce the necessarys of life with little labour.” 36 Very generally these redemptioners were of non-English stock. In the crucible of the frontier the immigrants were Americanized, liberated, and fused into a mixed race, English in neither nationality or characteristics. The process has gone on from the early days to our own. Burke and other writers in the middle of the eighteenth century believed that Pennsylvania 37 was “threatened with the danger of being wholly foreign in language, manners, and perhaps even inclinations.” The German and Scotch-Irish elements in the frontier of the South were only less great. In the middle of the present century the German element in Wisconsin was already so considerable that leading publicists looked to the creation of a German state out of the commonwealth by concentrating their colonization. 38 Such examples teach us to beware of misinterpreting the fact that there is a common English speech in America into a belief that the stock is also English.

Industrial Independence

In another way the advance of the frontier decreased our dependence on England. The coast, particularly of the South, lacked diversified industries, and was dependent on England for the bulk of its supplies. In the South there was even a dependence on the Northern colonies for articles of food. Governor Glenn, of South Carolina, writes in the middle of the eighteenth century: “Our trade with New York and Philadelphia was of this sort, draining us of all the little money and bills we could gather from other places for their bread, flour, beer, hams, bacon, and other things of their produce, all which, except beer, our new townships begin to supply us with, which are settled with very industrious and thriving Germans. This no doubt diminishes the number of shipping and the appearance of our trade, but it is far from being a detriment to us.” 39 Before long the frontier created a demand for merchants. As it retreated from the coast it became less and less possible for England to bring her supplies directly to the consumer’s wharfs, and carry away staple crops, and staple crops began to give way to diversified agriculture for a time. The effect of this phase of the frontier action upon the northern section is perceived when we realize how the advance of the frontier aroused seaboard cities like Boston, New York, and Baltimore, to engage in rivalry for what Washington called “the extensive and valuable trade of a rising empire.”

Effects on National Legislation

The legislation which most developed the powers of the National Government, and played the largest part in its activity, was conditioned on the frontier. Writers have discussed the subjects of tariff, land, and internal improvement, as subsidiary to the slavery question. But when American history comes to be rightly viewed it will be seen that the slavery question is an incident. In the period from the end of the first half of the present century to the close of the civil war slavery rose to primary, but far from exclusive, importance. But this does not justify Dr. von Holst (to take an example) in treating our constitutional history in its formative period down to 1828 in a single volume, giving six volumes chiefly to the history of slavery from 1828 to 1861, under the title “Constitutional History of the United States.” The growth of nationalism and the evolution of American political institutions were dependent on the advance of the frontier. Even so recent a writer as Rhodes, in his History of the United States since the compromise of 1850, has treated the legislation called out by the western advance as incidental to the slavery struggle.

This is a wrong perspective. The pioneer needed the goods of the coast, and so the grand series of internal improvement and railroad legislation began, with potent nationalizing effects. Over internal improvements occurred great debates, in which grave constitutional questions were discussed. Sectional groupings appear in the votes, profoundly significant for the historian. Loose construction increased as the nation marched westward. 40 But the West was not content with bringing the farm to the factory. Under the lead of Clay—“Harry of the West”—protective tariffs were passed, with the cry of bringing the factory to the farm. The disposition of the public lands was a third important subject of national legislation influenced by the frontier.

The Public Domain

The public domain has been a force of profound importance in the nationalization and development of the Government. The effects of the struggle of the landed and the landless States, and of the ordinance of 1787, need no discussion. 41 Administratively the frontier called out some of the highest and most vitalizing activities of the General Government. The purchase of Louisiana was perhaps the constitutional turning point in the history of the Republic, inasmuch as it afforded both a new area for national legislation and the occasion of the downfall of the policy of strict construction. But the purchase of Louisiana was called out by frontier needs and demands. As frontier States accrued to the Union the national power grew. In a speech on the dedication of the Calhoun monument Mr. Lamar explained: “In 1789 the States were the creators of the Federal Government; in 1861 the Federal Government was the creator of a large majority of the States.”

When we consider the public domain from the point of view of the sale and disposal of the public lands we are again brought face to face with the frontier. The policy of the United States in dealing with its lands is in sharp contrast with the European system of scientific administration. Efforts to make this domain a source of revenue, and to withhold it from emigrants in order that settlement might be compact, were in vain. The jealousy and the fears of the East were powerless in the face of the demands of the frontiersmen. John Quincy Adams was obliged to confess: “My own system of administration, which was to make the national domain the inexhaustible fund for progressive and unceasing internal improvement, has failed.” The reason is obvious; a system of administration was not what the West demanded; it wanted land. Adams states the situation as follows: “The slaveholders of the South have bought the cooperation of the western country by the bribe of the western lands, abandoning to the new Western States their own proportion of the public property and aiding them in the design of grasping all the lands into their own hands.” Thomas H. Benton was the author of this system, which he brought forward as a substitute for the American system of Mr. Clay, and to supplant him as the leading statesman of the West. Mr. Clay, by his tariff compromise with Mr. Calhoun, abandoned his own American system. At the same time he brought forward a plan for distributing among all the States of the Union the proceeds of the sales of the public lands. His bill for that purpose passed both Houses of Congress, but was vetoed by President Jackson, who, in his annual message of December, 1832, formally recommended that all public lands should be gratuitously given away to individual adventurers and to the States in which the lands are situated. 42

“No subject,” said Henry Clay, “which has presented itself to the present, or perhaps any preceding, Congress, is of greater magnitude than that of the public lands.” When we consider the far-reaching effects of the Government’s land policy upon political, economic, and social aspects of American life, we are disposed to agree with him. But this legislation was framed under frontier influences, and under the lead of Western statesmen like Benton and Jackson. Said Senator Scott of Indiana in 1841: “I consider the preemption law merely declaratory of the custom or common law of the settlers.”

National Tendencies of the Frontier

It is safe to say that the legislation with regard to land, tariff, and internal improvements—the American system of the nationalizing Whig party—was conditioned on frontier ideas and needs. But it was not merely in legislative action that the frontier worked against the sectionalism of the coast. The economic and social characteristics of the frontier worked against sectionalism. The men of the frontier had closer resemblances to the Middle region than to either of the other sections. Pennsylvania had been the seed-plot of frontier emigration, and, although she passed on her settlers along the Great Valley into the west of Virginia and the Carolinas, yet the industrial society of these Southern frontiersmen was always more like that of the Middle region than like that of the tide-water portion of the South, which later came to spread its industrial type throughout the South.

The Middle region, entered by New York harbor, was an open door to all Europe. The tide-water part of the South represented typical Englishmen, modified by a warm climate and servile labor, and living in baronial fashion on great plantations; New England stood for a special English movement—Puritanism. The Middle region was less English than the other sections. It had a wide mixture of nationalities, a varied society, the mixed town and county system of local government, a varied economic life, many religious sects. In short, it was a region mediating between New England and the South, and the East and the West. It represented that composite nationality which the contemporary United States exhibits, that juxtaposition of non-English groups, occupying a valley or a little settlement, and presenting reflections of the map of Europe in their variety. It was democratic and nonsectional, if not national; “easy, tolerant, and contented;” rooted strongly in material prosperity. It was typical of the modern United States. It was least sectional, not only because it lay between North and South, but also because with no barriers to shut out its frontiers from its settled region, and with a system of connecting waterways, the Middle region mediated between East and West as well as between North and South. Thus it became the typically American region. Even the New Englander, who was shut out from the frontier by the Middle region, tarrying in New York or Pennsylvania on his westward march, lost the acuteness of his sectionalism on the way. 43

The spread of cotton culture into the interior of the South finally broke down the contrast between the “tide-water” region and the rest of the State, and based Southern interests on slavery. Before this process revealed its results the western portion of the South, which was akin to Pennsylvania in stock, society, and industry, showed tendencies to fall away from the faith of the fathers into internal improvement legislation and nationalism. In the Virginia convention of 1829–30, called to revise the constitution, Mr. Leigh, of Chesterfield, one of the tide-water counties, declared:

One of the main causes of discontent which led to this convention, that which had the strongest influence in overcoming our veneration for the work of our fathers, which taught us to contemn the sentiments of Henry and Mason and Pendleton, which weaned us from our reverence for the constituted authorities of the State, was an overweening passion for internal improvement. I say this with perfect knowledge, for it has been avowed to me by gentlemen from the West over and over again. And let me tell the gentleman from Albemarle (Mr. Gordon) that it has been another principal object of those who set this ball of revolution in motion, to overturn the doctrine of State rights, of which Virginia has been the very pillar, and to remove the barrier she has interposed to the interference of the Federal Government in that same work of internal improvement, by so reorganizing the legislature that Virginia, too, may be hitched to the Federal car.

It was this nationalizing tendency of the West that transformed the democracy of Jefferson into the national republicanism of Monroe and the democracy of Andrew Jackson. The West of the war of 1812, the West of Clay, and Benton, and Harrison, and Andrew Jackson, shut off by the Middle States and the mountains from the coast sections, had a solidarity of its own with national tendencies. 44 On the tide of the Father of Waters, North and South met and mingled into a nation. Interstate migration went steadily on—a process of cross-fertilization of ideas and institutions. The fierce struggle of the sections over slavery on the western frontier does not diminish the truth of this statement; it proves the truth of it. Slavery was a sectional trait that would not down, but in the West it could not remain sectional. It was the greatest of frontiersmen who declared: “I believe this Government can not endure permanently half slave and half free. It will become all of one thing or all of the other.” Nothing works for nationalism like intercourse within the nation. Mobility of population is death to localism, and the western frontier worked irresistibly in unsettling population. The effects reached back from the frontier and affected profoundly the Atlantic coast and even the Old World.

Growth of Democracy

But the most important effect of the frontier has been in the promotion of democracy here and in Europe. As has been indicated, the frontier is productive of individualism. Complex society is precipitated by the wilderness into a kind of primitive organization based on the family. The tendency is anti-social. It produces antipathy to control, and particularly to any direct control. The tax-gatherer is viewed as a representative of oppression. Prof. Osgood, in an able article, 45 has pointed out that the frontier conditions prevalent in the colonies are important factors in the explanation of the American Revolution, where individual liberty was sometimes confused with absence of all effective government. The same conditions aid in explaining the difficulty of instituting a strong government in the period of the confederacy. The frontier individualism has from the beginning promoted democracy.

The frontier States that came into the Union in the first quarter of a century of its existence came in with democratic suffrage provisions, and had reactive effects of the highest importance upon the older States whose peoples were being attracted there. An extension of the franchise became essential. It was western New York that forced an extension of suffrage in the constitutional convention of that State in 1821; and it was western Virginia that compelled the tide-water region to put a more liberal suffrage provision in the constitution framed in 1830, and to give to the frontier region a more nearly proportionate representation with the tide-water aristocracy. The rise of democracy as an effective force in the nation came in with western preponderance under Jackson and William Henry Harrison, and it meant the triumph of the frontier—with all of its good and with all of its evil elements. 46 An interesting illustration of the tone of frontier democracy in 1830 comes from the same debates in the Virginia convention already referred to. A representative from western Virginia declared:

But, sir, it is not the increase of population in the West which this gentleman ought to fear. It is the energy which the mountain breeze and western habits impart to those emigrants. They are regenerated, politically I mean, sir. They soon become working politicians; and the difference, sir, between a talking and a working politician is immense. The Old Dominion has long been celebrated for producing great orators; the ablest metaphysicians in policy; men that can split hairs in all abstruse questions of political economy. But at home, or when they return from Congress, they have negroes to fan them asleep. But a Pennsylvania, a New York, an Ohio, or a western Virginia statesman, though far inferior in logic, metaphysics, and rhetoric to an old Virginia statesman, has this advantage, that when he returns home he takes off his coat and takes hold of the plow. This gives him bone and muscle, sir, and preserves his republican principles pure and uncontaminated.

So long as free land exists, the opportunity for a competency exists, and economic power secures political power. But the democracy born of free land, strong in selfishness and individualism, intolerant of administrative experience and education, and pressing individual liberty beyond its proper bounds, has its dangers as well as it benefits. Individualism in America has allowed a laxity in regard to governmental affairs which has rendered possible the spoils system and all the manifest evils that follow from the lack of a highly developed civic spirit. In this connection may be noted also the influence of frontier conditions in permitting lax business honor, inflated paper currency and wild-cat banking. The colonial and revolutionary frontier was the region whence emanated many of the worst forms of an evil currency. 47 The West in the war of 1812 repeated the phenomenon on the frontier of that day, while the speculation and wild-cat banking of the period of the crisis of 1837 occurred on the new frontier belt of the next tier of States. Thus each one of the periods of lax financial integrity coincides with periods when a new set of frontier communities had arisen, and coincides in area with these successive frontiers, for the most part. The recent Populist agitation is a case in point. Many a State that now declines any connection with the tenets of the Populists, itself adhered to such ideas in an earlier stage of the development of the State. A primitive society can hardly be expected to show the intelligent appreciation of the complexity of business interests in a developed society. The continual recurrence of these areas of paper-money agitation is another evidence that the frontier can be isolated and studied as a factor in American history of the highest importance. 48

Attempts to Check and Regulate the Frontier

The East has always feared the result of an unregulated advance of the frontier, and has tried to check and guide it. The English authorities would have checked settlement at the headwaters of the Atlantic tributaries and allowed the “savages to enjoy their deserts in quiet lest the peltry trade should decrease.” This called out Burke’s splendid protest:

If you stopped your grants, what would be the consequence? The people would occupy without grants. They have already so occupied in many places. You cannot station garrisons in every part of these deserts. If you drive the people from one place, they will carry on their annual tillage and remove with their flocks and herds to another. Many of the people in the back settlements are already little attached to particular situations. Already they have topped the Appalachian mountains. From thence they behold before them an immense plain, one vast, rich, level meadow; a square of five hundred miles. Over this they would wander without a possibility of restraint; they would change their manners with their habits of life; would soon forget a government by which they were disowned; would become hordes of English Tartars; and, pouring down upon your unfortified frontiers a fierce and irresistible cavalry, become masters of your governors and your counselers, your collectors and comptrollers, and of all the slaves that adhered to them. Such would, and in no long time must, be the effect of attempting to forbid as a crime and to suppress as an evil the command and blessing of Providence, “Increase and multiply.” Such would be the happy result of an endeavor to keep as a lair of wild beasts that earth which God, by an express charter, has given to the children of men.

But the English Government was not alone in its desire to limit the advance of the frontier and guide its destinies. Tidewater Virginia 49 and South Carolina 50 gerrymandered those colonies to insure the dominance of the coast in their legislatures. Washington desired to settle a State at a time in the Northwest; Jefferson would reserve from settlement the territory of his Louisiana purchase north of the thirty-second parallel, in order to offer it to the Indians in exchange for their settlements east of the Mississippi. “When we shall be full on this side,” he writes, “we may lay off a range of States on the western bank from the head to the mouth, and so range after range, advancing compactly as we multiply.” Madison went so far as to argue to the French minister that the United States had no interest in seeing population extend itself on the right bank of the Mississippi, but should rather fear it. When the Oregon question was under debate, in 1824, Smyth, of Virginia, would draw an unchangeable line for the limits of the United States at the outer limit of two tiers of States beyond the Mississippi, complaining that the seaboard States were being drained of the flower of their population by the bringing of too much land into market. Even Thomas Becton, the man of widest views of the destiny of the West, at this stage of his career declared that along the ridge of the Rocky mountains “the western limits of the Republic should be drawn, and the statue of the fabled god Terminus should be raised upon its highest peak, never to be thrown down.” 51 But the attempts to limit the boundaries, to restrict land sales and settlement, and to deprive the West of its share of political power were all in vain. Steadily the frontier of settlement advanced and carried with it individualism, democracy, and nationalism, and powerfully affected the East and the Old World.

Missionary Activity

The most effective efforts of the East to regulate the frontier came through its educational and religious activity, exerted by interstate migration and by organized societies. Speaking in 1835, Dr. Lyman Beecher declared: “It is equally plain that the religious and political destiny of our nation is to be decided in the West,” and he pointed out that the population of the West “is assembled from all the States of the Union and from all the nations of Europe, and is rushing in like the waters of the flood, demanding for its moral preservation the immediate and universal action of those institutions which discipline the mind and arm the conscience, and the heart. And so various are the opinions and habits, and so recent and imperfect is the acquaintance, and so sparse are the settlements of the West, that no homogeneous public sentiment can be formed to legislate immediately into being the requisite institutions. And yet they are all needed immediately in their utmost perfection and power. A nation is being ‘born in a day.’ * * * But what will become of the West if her prosperity rushes up to such a majesty of power, while those great institutions linger which are necessary to form the mind and the conscience and the heart of that vast world. It must not be permitted. * * * Let no man at the East quiet himself and dream of liberty, whatever may become of the West. * * * Her destiny is our destiny.” 52

With the appeal to the conscience of New England, he adds appeals to her fears lest other religious sects anticipate her own. The New England preacher and school-teacher left their mark on the West. The dread of Western emancipation from New England’s political and economic control was paralleled by her fears lest the West cut loose from her religion. Commenting in 1850 on reports that settlement was rapidly extending northward in Wisconsin, the editor of the Home Missionary writes: “We scarcely know whether to rejoice or mourn over this extension of our settlements. While we sympathize in whatever tends to increase the physical resources and prosperity of our country, we can not forget that with all these dispersions into remote and still remoter corners of the land the supply of the means of grace is becoming relatively less and less.” Acting in accordance with such ideas, home missions were established and Western colleges were erected. As seaboard cities like Philadelphia, New York, and Baltimore strove for the mastery of Western trade, so the various denominations strove for the possession of the West. Thus an intellectual stream from New England sources fertilized the West. Other sections sent their missionaries; but the real struggle was between sects. The contest for power and the expansive tendency furnished to the various sects by the existence of a moving frontier must have had important results on the character of religious organization in the United States. The multiplication of rival churches in the little frontier towns had deep and lasting social effects. The religious aspects of the frontier make a chapter in our history which needs study.

Intellectual Traits

From the conditions of frontier life came intellectual traits of profound importance. The works of travelers along each frontier from colonial days onward describe certain common traits, and these traits have, while softening down, still persisted as survivals in the place of their origin, even when a higher social organization succeeded. The result is that to the frontier the American intellect owes its striking characteristics. That coarseness and strength combined with acuteness and inquisitiveness; that practical, inventive turn of mind, quick to find expedients; that masterful grasp of material things, lacking in the artistic but powerful to effect great ends; that restless, nervous energy; 53 that dominant individualism, working for good and for evil, and withal that buoyancy and exuberance which comes with freedom—these are traits of the frontier, or traits called out elsewhere because of the existence of the frontier. Since the days when the fleet of Columbus sailed into the waters of the New World, America has been another name for opportunity, and the people of the United States have taken their tone from the incessant expansion which has not only been open but has even been forced upon them. He would be a rash prophet who should assert that the expansive character of American life has now entirely ceased. Movement has been its dominant fact, and, unless this training has no effect upon a people, the American energy will continually demand a wider field for its exercise. But never again will such gifts of free land offer themselves. For a moment, at the frontier, the bonds of custom are broken and unrestraint is triumphant. There is not tabula rasa. The stubborn American environment is there with its imperious summons to accept its conditions; the inherited ways of doing things are also there; and yet, in spite of environment, and in spite of custom, each frontier did indeed furnish a new field of opportunity, a gate of escape from the bondage of the past; and freshness, and confidence, and scorn of older society, impatience of its restraints and its ideas, and indifference to its lessons, have accompanied the frontier. What the Mediterranean Sea was to the Greeks, breaking the bond of custom, offering new experiences, calling out new institutions and activities, that, and more, the ever retreating frontier has been to the United States directly, and to the nations of Europe more remotely. And now, four centuries from the discovery of America, at the end of a hundred years of life under the Constitution, the frontier has gone, and with its going has closed the first period of American history.

Since the meeting of the American Historical Association, this paper has also been given as an address to the State Historical Society of Wisconsin, December 14, 1893. I have to thank the Secretary of the Society, Mr. Reuben G. Thwaites, for securing valuable material for my use in the preparation of the paper.

• Abridgment of Debates of Congress , v., p. 706. [ ↩ ]
• Bancroft (1860 ed.), III, pp. 344, 345, citing Logan MSS.; [Mitchell] Contest in America , etc. (1752), p. 237. [ ↩ ]
• Kercheval, History of the Valley ; Bernheim, German Settlements in the Carolinas ; Winsor, Narrative and Critical History of America , V, p. 304; Colonial Records of North Carolina , IV, p. xx; Weston, Documents Connected with the History of South Carolina , p. 82; Ellis and Evans, History of Lancaster County, Pa. , chs. iii, xxvi. [ ↩ ]
• Parkman, Pontiac , II; Griffis, Sir William Johnson , p. 6; Simms’s Frontiersmen of New York . [ ↩ ]
• Monette, Mississippi Valley , I, p. 311. [ ↩ ]
• Wis. Hist. Cols., XI, p. 50; Hinsdale, Old Northwest , p. 121; Burke, “Oration on Conciliation,” Works (1872 ed.), I, p. 473. [ ↩ ]
• Roosevelt, Winning of the West , and citations there given; Cutler’s Life of Cutler . [ ↩ ]
• Scribner’s Statistical Atla s, xxxviii, pl. 13; MacMaster, Hist. of People of U. S. , I, pp. 4, 60, 61; Imlay and Filson, Western Territory of America (London, 1793); Rochefoucault-Liancourt, Travels Through the United States of North America (London, 1799); Michaux’s “Journal,” in P roceedings American Philosophical Society , XXVI, No. 129; Forman, Narrative of a Journey Down the Ohio and Mississippi in 1780–‘90 (Cincinnati, 1888); Bartram, Travels Through North Carolina, etc. (London, 1792); Pope, Tour Through the Southern and Western Territories, etc. (Richmond, 1792); Weld, Travels Through the States of North America (London, 1799); Baily, Journal of a Tour in the Unsettled States of North America , 1796–‘97 (London, 1856); Pennsylvania Magazine of History , July, 1886; Winsor, Narrative and Critical History of America , VII, pp. 491, 492, citations. [ ↩ ]
• Scribner’s Statistical Atlas , xxxix. [ ↩ ]
• Turner, Character and Influence of the Indian Trade in Wisconsin (Johns Hopkins University Studies, Series IX), pp. 61 ff. [ ↩ ]
• Monette, History of the Mississippi Valley , II; Flint, Travels and Residence in Mississippi ; Flint, Geography and History of the Western States ; Abridgment of Debates of Congress , VII, pp. 397, 398, 404; Holmes, Account of the U. S. ; Kingdom, America and the British Colonies (London, 1820); Grund, Americans , II, chs. i, iii, vi (although writing, in 1836, he treats of conditions that grew out of western advance from the era of 1820 to that time); Peck, Guide for Emigrants (Boston, 1831); Darby, Emigrants’ Guide to Western and Southwestern States and Territories ; Dana, Geographical Sketches in the Western Country ; Kinzie, Waubun ; Keating, Narrative of Long’s Expedition ; Schoolcraft, Discovery of the Sources of the Mississippi River , Travels in the Central Portions of the Mississippi Valley , and Lead Mines of the Missouri ; Andreas, History of Illinois, I, 86-99; Hurlbut, Chicago Antiquities ; McKenney, Tour to the Lakes ; Thomas, Travels through the Western Country , etc. (Auburn, N. Y., 1819). [ ↩ ]
• Darby, Emigrants’ Guide , pp. 272 ff.; Benton, Abridgment of Debates , VII, p, 397. [ ↩ ]
• De Bow’s Review , IV, p. 254; XVII, p. 428. [ ↩ ]
• Grund, Americans , II, p. 8. [ ↩ ]
• Peck, New Guide to the West (Cincinnati, 1848), ch. IV; Parkman, Oregon Trail ; Hall, The West (Cincinnati, 1848); Pierce, Incidents of Western Travel ; Murray, Travels in North America ; Lloyd, Steamboat Directory (Cincinnati, 1856); “Forty Days in a Western Hotel” (Chicago), in Putnam’s Magazine , December, 1894; Mackay, The Western World , II, ch. II, III; Meeker, Life in the West ; Bogen, German in America (Boston, 1851); Olmstead, Texas Journey ; Greeley, Recollections of a Busy Life ; Schouler, History of the United States , V, 261–267; Peyton, Over the Alleghanies and Across the Prairies (London, 1870); Loughborough, The Pacific Telegraph and Railway (St. Louis, 1849); Whitney, Project for a Railroad to the Pacific (New York, 1849); Peyton, Suggestions on Railroad Communication with the Pacific, and the Trade of China and the Indian Islands ; Benton, “Highway to the Pacific” (a speech delivered in the U. S, Senate, December 16, 1850). [ ↩ ]
• A writer in The Home Missionary (1850), p. 239, reporting Wisconsin conditions, exclaims: “Think of this, people of the enlightened East. What an example, to come from the very frontiers of civilization!” But one of the missionaries writes: “In a few years Wisconsin will no longer be considered as the West, or as an outpost of civilization, any more than western New York, or the Western Reserve.” [ ↩ ]
• Bancroft (H. H.), History of California, History of Oregon, and Popular Tribunals ; Shinn, Mining Camps . [ ↩ ]
• See the suggestive paper by Prof. Jesse Macy, “The Institutional Beginnings of a Western State.” [ ↩ ]
• Shinn, Mining Camps . [ ↩ ]
• Compare Thorpe, in Annals American Academy of Political and Social Science , September, 1891; Bryce, American Commonwealth (1888), II, p. 689. [ ↩ ]
• Loria, Analisi della Proprieta Capitalista , II., p. 15. [ ↩ ]
• Compare Observations on the North American Land Company , London, 1796, pp. xv,144; Logan, History of Upper South Carolina , I, pp, 149–151; Turner, Character and Influence of Indian Trade in Wisconsin , p. 18; Peck, New Guide for Emigrants (Boston, 1837), ch. iv; Compendium Eleventh Census , I, p. xl. [ ↩ ]
• See pages 220, 221, 223, post, for illustrations of the political accompaniments of changed industrial conditions. [ ↩ ]
• But Lewis and Clarke were the first to explore the route from the Missouri to the Columbia. [ ↩ ]
• Narrative and Critical History of America , VIII, p.10; Sparks’ Washington Works , IX, pp. 303, 327; Logan, History of Upper South Carolina , I; McDonald, Life of Kenton , p. 72; Cong. Record, XXIII, p. 57. [ ↩ ]
• On the effect of the fur trade in opening the routes of migration, see the author’s Character and Influence of the Indian Trade in Wisconsin . [ ↩ ]
• Lodge, English Colonies , p. 152 and citations; Logan, Hist. of Upper South Carolina , I, p. 151. [ ↩ ]
• Flint, Recollections , p. 9. [ ↩ ]
• See Monette, Mississippi , I, p. 344. [ ↩ ]
• Cones’ Lewis and Clarke’s Expedition , I, pp. 2, 253–259; Benton, in Cong. Record, XXIII, p. 57. [ ↩ ]
• Hehn, Das Salz (Berlin, 1873). [ ↩ ]
• Col. Records of N. C. , V, p. 3. [ ↩ ]
• Findley, History of the Insurrection in the Four Western Counties of Pennsylvania in the Year 1794 (Philadelphia, 1796), p. 35. [ ↩ ]
• Hale, Daniel Boone (pamphlet). [ ↩ ]
• Compare Baily, Tour in the Unsettled Parts of North America (London, 1856), pp. 217–219, where a similar analysis is made for 1796. See also Collot, Journey in North America (Paris, 1826), p. 109; Observations on the North American Land Company (London, 1796), pp. XV, 144; Logan, History of Upper South Carolina . [ ↩ ]
• “Spottswood Papers,” in Collections of Virginia Historical Society , I, II. [ ↩ ]
• [Burke], European Settlements, etc. (1765 ed.), II, p. 200. [ ↩ ]
• Everest, in Wisconsin Historical Collections , XII, pp. 7 ff. [ ↩ ]
• Weston, Documents connected with History of South Carolina , p. 61. [ ↩ ]
• See, for example, the speech of Clay, in the House of Representatives, January 30, 1824. [ ↩ ]
• See the admirable monograph by Prof. H. B. Adams, Maryland’s Influence on the Land Cessions ; and also President Welling, in Papers American Historical Association , III, p. 411. [ ↩ ]
• Adams,  Memoirs , IX, pp. 247, 248. [ ↩ ]
• Author’s article in The Ægis (Madison, Wis.), November 4, 1892. [ ↩ ]
• Compare Roosevelt, Thomas Benton , ch. i. [ ↩ ]
• Political Science Quarterly , II, p. 457. Compare Sumner, Alexander Hamilton , Chs. ii–vii. [ ↩ ]
• Compare Wilson, Division and Reunion , pp. 15, 24. [ ↩ ]
• On the relation of frontier conditions to Revolutionary taxation, see Sumner, Alexander Hamilton , Ch. iii. [ ↩ ]
• I have refrained from dwelling on the lawless characteristics of the frontier, because they are sufficiently well known. The gambler and desperado, the regulators of the Carolinas and the vigilantes of California, are types of that line of scum that the waves of advancing civilization bore before them, and of the growth of spontaneous organs of authority where legal authority was absent. Compare Barrows, United States of Yesterday and To-morrow ; Shinn, Mining Camps ; and Bancroft, Popular Tribunals . The humor, bravery, and rude strength, as well as the vices of the frontier in its worst aspect, have left traces on American character, language, and literature, not soon to be effaced. [ ↩ ]
• Debates in the Constitutional Convention, 1829–1830 . [ ↩ ]
• [McCrady], Eminent and Representative Men of the Carolinas , I, p.43; Calhoun’s Works , I, pp. 401–406. [ ↩ ]
• Speech in the Senate, March 1, 1825; Register of Debates , I, 721. [ ↩ ]
• Plea for the West (Cincinnati, 1835), pp. 11 ff. [ ↩ ]
• Colonial travelers agree in remarking on the phlegmatic characteristics of the colonists. It has frequently been asked how such a people could have developed that strained nervous energy now characteristic of them. Compare Sumner, Alexander Hamilton , p. 98, and Adams’s History of the United States , I, p. 60; IX, pp. 240, 241. The transition appears to become marked at the close of the war of 1812, a period when interest centered upon the development of the West, and the West was noted for restless energy. Grund, Americans , II., ch. i. [ ↩ ]

Frederick Jackson Turner

Harvard University

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The ‘frontier wars’: Undoing the myth of the peaceful settlement of Australia

In February, Opposition Leader Anthony Albanese told Parliament that an Australian government had yet to acknowledge the nation’s true history. The section about the nationwide killing of Indigenous people by European invaders was usually missing.

“We have all failed,” Albanese said. “Truth must fill the holes of our national memory.”

The Aboriginal people who died at the hands of the settlers should be recognised, he said. “They, too, died for their loved ones. They, too, died for their Country. We must remember them, just as we remember those who fought more recent conflicts.”

Albanese also confirmed his support for the Makarrata Commission, part of the Uluru Statement of the Heart, released in May 2017 by the First Nations National Constitutional Convention.

A Makarrata Commission would tell the truth about how Australia was colonised, including the massacres of Indigenous people that took place all over the continent.

A month after Albanese’s speech, the Victorian government announced it would hold the nation’s first truth and justice commission – to tell a more complete story of the state’s colonisation, as part of its historic treaty process.

Monash Indigenous studies historian Professor Lynette Russell AM welcomed Albanese’s statement and the Victorian initiative.

“The myth of the peaceful settlement of Australia is something we need to undo, because we talk about reconciliation in Australia, but for the most part, we like to do it without truth,” she says.

“The War Memorial represents wars between nation states, and essentially wars between equals. In lots of ways, the frontier wars are anything but a war between equals.”

Australian history classes rarely include accounts of a violent frontier, and few monuments exist that tell the story of the Indigenous people who lost their lives in a conflict sometimes called “the frontier wars”.

Although work is being done to uncover the stories of Aboriginal resistance and to document Indigenous massacres, these accounts haven’t yet entered mainstream understanding, or bipartisan acceptance.

“We need to improve the historical literacy of Australians,” Professor Russell says. “It was not a mythic, peaceful settlement. It was an invasion. It had deep ramifications for Aboriginal people, their ongoing dispossession and alienation. If we want to undo some of that, or we want to move forward as a sophisticated, reconciled nation, then we’ve got some growing up to do.”

Some historians, including Henry Reynolds, have called for the story of the frontier wars to be incorporated into the Australian War Memorial. But Professor Russell isn’t sure the memorial is the best place to tell the story.

“I think it’s a really great debate, and it’s one a mature nation could have, and it could be really fruitful,” she says. “But it has to be done against the background of what, I think, is an obscene amount of money [$500 million] being spent on the War Memorial.”

Reynolds’ research estimated that up to 3000 Europeans and at least 20,000 Aboriginal Australians lost their lives in the frontier conflicts.

More recently, Raymond Evans, of the University of Queensland, has estimated that in this “largely unpublicised guerrilla war”, 66,680 Indigenous people lost their lives in 6000 attacks by settlers and native police in Queensland alone. Queensland was the most densely populated part of Australia pre-settlement, and the “epicentre of the struggle”, he says.

Read more: Australia’s history is complex and confronting, and needs to be known, and owned, now

He and colleague Robert Orsted Jensen arrived at this figure using methodology described here . If their estimate is correct, it would mean that the number of people who lost their lives in Queensland was more than the number of Australians who died in WWI (62,300). Evans puts the ratio of Aboriginal to settler deaths at 44:1.

“The War Memorial represents wars between nation states, and essentially wars between equals,” Professor Russell says. “In lots of ways, the frontier wars are anything but a war between equals.”

The one-sidedness of the conflict has been painstakingly recorded by historians at the University of Newcastle, led by Lyndall Ryan, who have made a map and searchable archive, Colonial Frontier Massacres of Australia, 1788 to 1930 .

This research, which continues to expand, estimates 8391 Indigenous lives were lost in the massacres it has been able to verify, and 312 Europeans. Their sources included parliamentary papers, private journals and letters, newspaper articles, anthropological reports and Indigenous records – both oral and visual.

According to the archive, massacres were often planned events that took place in secret without witnesses. A code of silence in the immediate aftermath makes detection difficult – although survivors sometimes spoke out years later, when they believed the danger had passed.

“Should we redefine what we’re talking about, when we talk about the colonial period, as a period of war?” Professor Russell asks.

“Maybe it’s a different type of war, an undeclared war. People see their lands invaded. They see people come, stay, and take from them. Dispossession and dislocation – all follow on from that. Then it segues into the removal of children … then you remove culture and language.

“In a way, it almost dignifies them to put them in the War Memorial as though, somehow, this is equal to attempting to land on the beaches at Gallipoli.”

Not a war in the Western sense

Although Indigenous people sometimes protected their borders, had rivalries with other tribes, or conducted raiding parties, they didn’t wage war in the Western sense. “They were doing something different,” Professor Russell says.

“People often say, ‘The Maori people fought back, and Aboriginal people didn’t.’ That’s absolutely not true. We know Aboriginal people fought back.

“[But] If you read, particularly, some of the work on the frontier wars, you do start to get this idea of Aboriginal people creating skirmishes, plotting, and planning in the ways we expect Western war to proceed. They are battle-ready, and they’re working out the best strategies for this.

“Now, they might have been doing that, but my fear is, because you’ve already got in your mind the view of the noble soldier, you then ascribe that to Aboriginal people, who are retaliating against the invasion in their land on their terms, not the European terms. That makes it really quite tricky to then turn around and say, ‘Oh, look, it’s war as we recognise it.’”

During the Eumeralla Wars – a protracted conflict between the Gunditjmara people in what’s now known as Victoria’s Western District, British colonists and police, the Aboriginal resistance was regularly reported in the press, Professor Russell says.

Indigenous people “fought back in various ways. They fought back overtly. They actually, literally, attacked settlers’ huts. Particularly, if you’re a shepherd on the outskirts of a station, then you could be in a lot of trouble, but they had to be very careful in how they managed their retaliation …

“There’s also covert retaliation – retaliation that the settlers might not have even seen, including the use of sorcery and magic, to influence people.”

The siege mentality

In the mid-19th century, colonists recognised that “they were under siege”, she says. “It was commonly spoken of. It was also common for settlers to talk about the validity of Aboriginal people trying to protect the land … Trying to chase off the invaders. It was part of the general writing. People wrote it in their diaries. They wrote it in letters to the newspaper. They would say things like, ‘Who can blame them. We’ve taken this from them.’”

But by the turn of the century, this conversation about Aboriginal resistance all but vanished from public view, she says.

“I think it’s tied into the dying-race paradigm, where, suddenly, everybody thinks Aboriginal people are dying out. It smooths the pillow of the dying race … humanitarianism comes to the forefront.

“Aboriginal people are needing protection. They’re needing to be looked after, but there’s also an anticipation they will go away – as in, they’ll disappear. They will be absorbed into the wider population. They’ll become white, or they’ll die out.”

In reality, Indigenous people were herded onto protectorates, deprived of their liberty, punished for talking in their own language, and their children were taken away. “It’s out of sight, out of mind,” Professor Russell says.

She hopes that during the Victorian truth and justice commission “these stories of dispossession, and violence, and all the rest, can be captured, kept, and held in posterity. People in the future will know what happened here. To me, that's the most important thing we really need.”

• Indigenous massacres
• Makarrata Commission
• Australian War Memorial
• frontier wars
• Eumeralla Wars
• Aboriginal massacres
• truth and justice commission

Lynette Russell AM

Distinguished Professor, and Laureate Fellow, Monash Indigenous Studies Centre

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• Modern History

Frontier Wars Lesson

Learning objectives

In this lesson, students will learn about the dark and often overlooked history of European settlement in Australia, marked by brutal massacres and violence against Indigenous Australians from 1788 to 1901. They will explore specific events such as the Bathurst War, Myall Creek Massacre, and Coniston Massacre, understanding the impact of these atrocities on Indigenous communities and the importance of acknowledging and learning from this painful past. Students will have the opportunity to achieve this through choosing their own method of learning, from research options, as well as the chance to engage in extension activities. This lesson includes a self-marking quiz for students to demonstrate their learning.

How would you like to learn?

Option 1: internet research.

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History Research Guides: Frontier Conflicts in Australia

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MUSEUM EXHIBITS

• Unsettled This land was not peacefully settled - Unsettled uncovers the untold histories behind this nation’s foundation story. With more than 80 significant cultural objects and over 100 contributions by First Nations peoples across the country.
• Dark Days: A photo essay by Brendan Beirne Brendan Beirne’s landscapes illustrate the unquiet places where Aboriginal people have been slaughtered. Using infrared camera technology to capture a sense of the unseen history through the seemingly peaceful landscapes, these images allow us to see that the lands we live, work and play on remain unsettled.

INTERACTIVE MAPS OF FRONTIER CONFLICTS

• Colonial Frontier Massacres in Australia, 1788-1930 From the moment the British invaded Australia in 1788 they encountered active resistance from the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander owners and custodians of the lands. In the frontier wars which continued until the 1960s massacres became a defining strategy to eradicate that resistance. As a result thousands of Aboriginal men, women and children were killed. This site presents a map, timelines, and information about massacres in Australia from 1794 when the first massacre was recorded until 1930
• The Killing Times The colonisation of Australia was brutal and bloody, but many stories of the frontier have been hidden or denied. This series for the Guardian tells some of them and asks, are we ready for truth telling? It includes a massacre map of the frontier wars.

USEFUL WEBSITES

• Australian Frontier Conflicts 1788-1940s This website seeks to document the conflicts between European colonists and Australian Aboriginal and Torres Straight Islander peoples.
• Monuments and memorials within Australia associated with the Indigenous conflicts Monument Australia documents the many monuments and memorials associated with the conflicts between European settlers and the Indigenous Australians during the frontier wars. Massacre and other sites are listed
• 8 war heroes you didn't learn about in school The Frontier Wars was the bloodiest conflict on Australian soil. This article looks at eight of the warriors who fought for their people and their land against colonial forces.
• Archaeology on the Frontier This blog is about research relating to frontier conflict and especially the native mounted police in Queensland
• From invasion to resistance in Australia overeign Union provides the background to the conflict between settlers and the Indigenous people: the complex societies, invasion, inevitable conflict, and resistance.
• Frontier Wars This page about the Frontier Wars tells of prisoner abuse, freedom-fighters, massacres, and Aboriginal habitats and villages before and after slaughter and displacement.

CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF SOURCES

• Evaluating Sources Libguide

THE LIBRARY HAS A COMPREHENSIVE COLLECTION OF PRINT RESOURCES  AND THEY CAN BE ACCESSED IN A VARIETY OF WAYS.

There are two methods for accessing books in the Campion Library. You can access the non fiction collection by browsing in the sections relating to your topic, the box to your right gives you the  corresponding Dewey numbers for this topic.  Alternatively, you can use Oliver to search for information. Type in your topic or a keyword to find relevant books.

DIGITAL RESOURCES

The following PREMIUM DIGITAL RESOURCES may be useful for research on this subject. However, they are password protected and when you click on any of the icons below you will be re-directed to a page that requires authentication.

Videos are another information source that can be used for research. There are many ways of accessing videos on your topic and while YouTube is a popular choice however the library also subscribes to ClickView which is a a streaming service for education.

• Yagan When Lieutenant-Governor James Stirling established Western Australia's Swan River colony (later the city of Perth) in 1829, times were tough. Food was scarce and the initially good relations between British settlers and local Noongar people spiralled tragically out of control into a conflict over land and resources. Murdered and cruelly beheaded in 1833 by those he trusted, the return of Yagan's skull to Noongar country was a momentous occasion for Australian Indigenous people nationwide. This is his story.
• Pemulwuy - A War of Two Laws Pemulwuy was a traditional lawman of the Bidgigal clan, the original Woodlands people of Toongabbie and Parramatta in Sydney. When the First Fleet arrived in 1788, Pemulwuy, along with his better-known Bidgigal clansman Bennelong, tried to coexist with the colonists. But Pemulwuy saw the white man breaking his law and he began a 12-year guerrilla war of retribution which almost brought the young colony of New South Wales to its knees.
• They Must Always Consider Us as Enemies This is a hideous story of a land war engaged by the settlers as tribe af ter tribe of Aborigines fought for their territory. A story about native title, genocide and a most unpleasant jolt to our sensibilities.

ABORIGINAL AUSTRALIANS RESISTANCE TO BRITISH COLONISATION

• How did Aboriginal Australians resist British colonisation? Investigating four case studies at the National Museum of Australia
• Kaartdijin Noonga -Yagan
• Australian Dictionary of Biography -Yagan (1795–1833)
• Fanny Balbuk Yooreel - Realising a Perth Resistance Fighter
• Royal Australian Historical Society -Fanny Balbuk Yooreel (1840-1907)
• Bilin Bilin, Picture Ipswich
• Kamalyarrpa Japanangka (‘Bullfrog’) and the Coniston Massacre

LIBRARY CATALOGUE

BROWSING THE SHELVES

You can use Oliver to find books in the library however sometimes it is helpful to know the Dewey numbers for a subject. In doing so you will be able to find  books on that subject in most libraries. It will also be useful at those times when you know the topic but don't know where to start looking. Note that resources about specific events will be located within the Dewey division for the country where the event took place.

REFERENCING

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• Last Updated: Jun 13, 2024 2:52 PM
• URL: https://ignatius-sa.libguides.com/HistoryResearchGuide

We acknowledge all First Peoples of this land and celebrate their enduring connections to Country, knowledge and stories. We pay our respects to Elders and Ancestors who watch over us and guide Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander community.

The Frontier Wars

The Frontier Wars began in 1788 and lasted until the 1930s. The Frontier Wars are defined as a series of conflicts and events that happened in the first 140 years of settlement in Australia.

First Nations people were involved in conflicts and battles to defend their country and Europeans carried out massacres to expand the British colony. 

1788 | The Frontier Wars begin with the British arriving in Botany Bay with 11 ships. On these ships they had prisoners, military and British officials ready to occupy the land. This marks the official beginning of the NSW colony, and the conflict between First Nations people and colonial forces.

1792-1802 | Pemulwuy was a very fierce warrior from the Sydney area where he waged a resistance for ten years. There were many noteworthy First Nations warriors throughout the Frontier Wars that held a resistance; Dundali, Yagan, Jandamarra, Tunnerminnerwait and Maulboyheenner, to name a few. Figures like Pemulwuy were not only known by First Nations people but they were also well known by the Europeans. Often when famous warriors died their remains were publicly shown or sent to England to be put in museums. 

1804-1830 | The Black War was a war waged in Tasmania. Towards the end of The Black War Europeans staged a battle called ‘the black line’ where they marched across the whole island looking for First Nations people to kill. At the end of The Black Wars in Tasmania a group of 16 First Nations people were sent to Victoria as pacified First Nations people to help pacify First Nations people in Victoria. Out of that 16, five escaped and waged a seven-week resistance in Melbourne. Out of that five, two were hung and the other three were sent back to Tasmania. One of those three was Truganini , who has been remembered as a very significant woman in Australian history.

December 1837 to January 1838 | The Waterloo Creek massacre. Major James Nunn carried out this massacre by arming settlers and pastoralists to hunt a band of First Nations warriors. The hunters found them at a water hole with other First Nations people.  This massacre plays a part in a series of massacres that lead up to the significant Myall Creek massacre on Gamilaraay country.

1838 | The Myall creek massacre occurred and is well-known around the world because of its outcome. There were 12 perpetrators involved, seven were charged and hung for participating in the massacre. This came as a surprise to everyone in the colony. It is a significant moment in history because it was the only time white people were found guilty or held accountable for their violence towards First Nations people during the Frontier Wars. 

1928 | The Coniston massacre is one of the last massacres to occur during the Frontier Wars. A WWI veteran Constable George Murray led a group to massacre First Nations people who were camped by a water hole in the Northern Territory, 400 kilometres north-west of Alice Springs.

The resourcefulness of First Nations people

First Nations people adapted quickly , often employing guerilla warfare tactics. That is, fast-moving, small-scale actions including ambushes, sabotage and raids.  First Nations people used traditional weapons as well as guns. Fire was used to burn off crops. Fire and dingoes were used to scare away cattle and sheep. Dingoes were also used to attack British soldiers. First Nations people also used their deep knowledge of Country to aid them in battle - they had the home ground advantage. 

First Nations convicts from around the globe

As early as 1804 First Nations people in Australia were being incarcerated in the convict system . This was happening to other Indigenous people from other British colonies around the world such as New Zealand and South Africa. As a result of the Frontier Wars in Australia, and also the broader British colonial frontier, Indigenous men were taken  as convicts as punishment for their involvement in the resistance. These men served whatever their sentence was on an island and were left there to die. The islands that were used for this purpose were Norfolk Island, Tasmania, Goat Island, Cockatoo Island and Rottnest Island. 

The effects of the Frontier Wars are still felt today

The Frontier Wars may seem like they happened a long time ago. But the trauma of what happened to First Nations people has been passed down through the generations. It is important to remember that just because Europeans stopped killing First Nations people under the Frontier Wars, it doesn’t mean that First Nations people have stopped dying as a result of British invasion and the ongoing processes of colonisation. First Nations people are still dying at an alarming rate today.

Reckoning with the Rule of Law

August 14, 2024 marks 200 years since the declaration of Martial Law on Wiradjuri Country.

Five Things You Weren't Taught in School

Learn more about the history of the colony and the affects it has had on First Nations people here.

What is National NAIDOC Week?

If you want to know more about what National NAIDOC Week means and the history behind it, this article is for you.

Closing the Gap: The Duality of Health and Anti-Racism

Arrernte woman Celeste Liddle ponders the duality between health and anti-racism.

We are a First Nations not-for-profit that exists to centre First Nations people, Country and truth-telling. We acknowledge all First Peoples of this land and celebrate their enduring connections to Country, knowledge and stories. We pay our respects to Elders and Ancestors who watch over us and guide Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander community.

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